Language skills in Greek-English bilingual children attending Greek supplementary schools in England

1. Introduction

From July 2018 to June 2019, the estimated number of Greek nationals who were residents in the UK was 74,000 (Office for National Statistics 2020), 43,000 more compared to 2009, a rise which was primarily a result of the 2010 government-debt crisis in Greece (Karatsareas 2020, 2021a). By the end of 2020, 102,330 applications from Greek citizens residing in the UK were approved for the EU Settlement Scheme in order to obtain settled and pre-settled status (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). More than a quarter of this population have children, 47.9% of whom were born in the UK (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). Many of these parents wish to provide their children the opportunity to attend Greek supplementary schools in the UK in order to learn and maintain their heritage language in parallel with their English mainstream education.

The amount and nature of language exposure seem to be vital in the development of language skills (e.g. Hoff et al. 2012). Though vocabulary and grammar skills have been assessed in several bilingual populations speaking a majority and minority language (e.g. Hoff 2018) in relation to a number of associated variables such as age, language exposure and socioeconomic status (SES), and despite this rise in Greek nationals and their children in the UK (Karatsareas 2021a, 2021b), to the best of our knowledge, no other study has explored the role of the exposure to a supplementary educational setting on the Greek and English language skills of Greek-English bilingual children.

In this study, we address the role of supplementary educational setting on the Greek and English language skills of Greek-English bilingual children. We aim to investigate Greek and English receptive and expressive vocabulary skills as well as the receptive grammar skills in relation to a number of related variables such as age, language use and SES, of an understudied group of Greek-English bilingual children living in England and attending both English mainstream and Greek supplementary schools.

1.1. Supplementary schools

Supplementary schools, also known as complementary, heritage, or Saturday schools, support and maintain the language and culture of many immigrant communities in countries such as the USA, the UK, Canada, South Africa and Australia. These schools have been called ‘hidden’ schools by Aravossitas (2016) since the language of immigrant communities in such countries is categorised as non-official and is often not supported or is ignored by the authorities.

More specifically in the UK, the educational system for over half a century has recognised the existence of children whose parents speak another language, such as Turkish, Chinese or Greek, namely heritage language speakers, and has provided a range of languages at GCSE and A level (Wei 2006). This preparation of pupils to sit examinations in the various community languages in which these or other, foreign language qualifications are offered, is the key aspect of supplementary schools. These qualifications are viewed as formal recognition and legitimisation of their languages (Matras and Karatsareas 2020). There are an estimated 3000–5000 such schools in England (NRCSE 2020).

The main reason for the existence of these schools in the UK was the wish to maintain the language and customs of the country of origin by minority ethnic community members as well as maintain their cultural identity and traditions, linked in many cases to religion (Creese et al. 2006). As a result, isolation is reduced amongst minority ethnic groups, an aim which is particularly evident in Greek (Pillas 1992), Turkish (e.g. Lytra 2012), Chinese (Creese, Wu, and Wei 2007) and newly arrived refugee family (Rutter 1998, 2003) supplementary schools. The first group of supplementary schools emerged in the late 1960s for children of Afro-Caribbean families, because of their dissatisfaction with mainstream education and how it failed to reflect the culture of the Afro-Caribbean community as well as due to the limited representation of the Afro-Caribbean community in education and positions of authority (Chevannes and Reeves 1987).

A second wave of supplementary schools occurred in the late 1970s and early 1980s by Muslim communities originating from South Asia and Africa. These schools were established for religious reasons closely intertwined with language, in line with Anglican, Catholic or Jewish communities, who were able to have their own schools. During the 1990s, and after controversy regarding the education of Muslim children, the education of their teachers and the official recognition and support of the two first Muslim schools, a number of other immigrant communities began to establish their own supplementary schools in order to maintain their language and culture. For example, the Chinese, the Turkish, and the Greek communities founded a noteworthy number of schools in England and Scotland for their British-born generations (Wei 2006). These schools included weekend or afternoon classes outside of normal school hours and they were truly complementary since their founders did not ask for separate mainstream education in their languages. In the current study, we will be focusing on a Greek supplementary school in the UK.

1.2. The Greek community and Greek educational provision in the UK

Due to historical and political circumstances in the past, many Greek-speaking individuals from Greece and Cyprus moved to the UK. The majority of these Greek-speaking communities in the UK used to consist mostly of people of Greek Cypriot origin (Paraskevopoulos 2012), who use both standardised and non-standardised varieties of Greek and English in contrast to individuals from the Greek mainland who mostly use the Standard Greek variety (Karatsareas 2021b). Immigrants from the Greek mainland created churches and Greek supplementary schools, which were later used by Greek Cypriot migrants to maintain a cultural identity (Metis 1993). The motivation underlying the establishment of these communities and as an extension of these schools is that of ethnicity, as per Raveau’s (1987) definition of ethnicity: ‘ … the awareness – felt or recognised – of belonging to a group related to a historical or mythical past that can be projected into a possible or utopian common destiny. It is expressed in terms of seven indicators of participation or recognition: biogenetic, territorial, linguistic, economic, religious, cultural and political’ (Raveau 1987, 105). In this case, the aim of the Greek supplementary schools is to preserve, shape and communicate the Greek identity, language and culture (Cyprus Ministry of Education, Culture, Sport and Youth 2018) in the Greek-speaking community in the UK.

Until the beginning of the twenty-first century, the Greek population in the UK consisted of prosperous people involved with shipping and banking, an increasing population of Greek professionals, such as academics, lawyers and doctors, and a big number of university students (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). There were there 10–12,000 bankers and shippers by 2006, who were mostly concentrated in London (Harlaftis 2006). The Greek student population was 22,485 in 2002/2003 with two-thirds pursuing undergraduate studies (Koniordos 2017). However, due to changes in the entry criteria for Greek universities, the rise of undergraduate tuition fees for EU students and the consequences of the crisis on Greek salaries (Karatsareas 2021b) this number decreased to 9920 in 2018/2019 (Higher Education Statistics Agency 2020). In 2015/2016, around three quarters of Greek students were postgraduate students (Koniordos 2017). It is estimated that between the period of 1998–2007, a total of 550,000 Greek citizens (7.3% of the active population) migrated abroad in order to engage in high skilled professional jobs (Rombolis 2007). In 2001, 35,000 Greek born people were residing in the UK and 36,769 in 2011 (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021).

From July 2018 to June 2019, the estimated number of Greek nationals who were residents in the UK, excluding students living in halls, was 74,000 (Office for National Statistics 2020), 43,000 more compared to 2009. This is a massive rise compared to an estimate of 26,000 in 2008, 33,000 in 2012, 42,000 in 2013, 54,000 in 2014, and 62,000 in 2016. Between 28 August 2018–30 June 2020, 76,590 Greek nationals had a successful EU Settlement Scheme application for pre-settled (47,590 Greek nationals had less than 3 years in the UK) and settled status (29,000 Greek nationals had over 5 years in the UK without any absence over 6 months in a 12-month period; GOV.UK 2020). In December 2020, 102,330 applications were made from Greek nationals to get pre-settled or settled status (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). This rise can be explained by the unemployment rate in Greece, which grew from 7.7% in September 2008 to a record high, 27.8% in September 2013, with the youth unemployment rate of 59.5% at its peak in the first quarter of 2013 (European Parliament 2015). Greek scientists living abroad stated that Greece cannot guarantee their future as a scientist, and they could not progress in the career in Greece. Due to the economic crisis, they had no choice but to leave their country for a better future (Theodoropoulos et al. 2014), a better work environment, a job that would fit their skills and ambitions or offer them opportunities for professional development, higher salaries, financial independence and a lack of meritocracy in Greece, a better future for their children or reuniting with partners (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021, 14). This is the so-called ‘new’ Greek migration, that is, the rise in the migration of first-generation Greek nationals and their children to the UK due to the 2010 government-debt crisis. The UK was the second most popular destination, after Germany, as a result of this crisis (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021).

It is evident from these numbers that some of these people may have brought their children to the UK or may have created families in the UK. Indeed, based on Pratsinakis (2019; as cited in Karatsareas 2021a) 57% who were parents migrated with their whole family, 31% formed their families in the UK, and 73% of the migrants left Greece with their families. More than a quarter of the Greek migrants in the UK have children, of which 47.9% were born in the UK Some of them might create families in the future since more than 44.6% of this adult population is aged under 35. At the moment, especially outside London, there is a rise in first-generation Greek nationals and their children compared to Greek Cypriot second- and third-generation residents in the UK attending Greek supplementary schools. The dynamic has changed recently, namely children born in Greece that possibly have attended Greek mainstream schools for some years, have relocated to the UK with their parents, due to the 2010 government-debt crisis (also see Karatsareas 2020), while other children were born in the UK and have been acquiring Greek as a first language from first-generation Greek-speaking parents. Also, parents who had migrated to Greece from other countries, such as Albania, Georgia, Ukraine, Bulgaria, during the previous two decades and have moved to the UK due to the 2010 government-debt crisis are choosing to use their second language, Greek in the home. The above children together with children of Greek Cypriot origin residing in the UK (Karatsareas 2021b) attend supplementary schools creating classrooms of diverse skills and needs (Lytra 2019). This new wave of Greek speakers has distinct characteristics compared to the Greek-speaking populations that arrived in the UK in previous decades and reside until now. 75% of these new migrants have an undergraduate degree and the majority has pursued postgraduate and doctoral studies (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). Another particularly crucial factor is that these new Greek migrants intend to stay, since 48% of those who migrated with their families to the UK after 2010 do not intend to return to Greece or intend to return after they retire (Pratsinakis, Kafe, and Serôdio 2021). This percentage rises to 71% for those residing in London (Pratsinakis 2019) and decreases to 25% for those without children. These numbers underline the importance of supplementary school in the maintenance of the Greek language and culture for these families.

The official Greek state is responsible for the provision of Greek Education to children of Greek origin who live outside of Greece all over the world (Greek Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs 2021). In the UK, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sport and Youth of Cyprus and the Greek Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs together with the Greek communities and the Greek Orthodox Church of Great Britain are responsible for this provision (Paraskevopoulos 2012), although there is variability in the sharing of these responsibilities. This provision includes preparing and providing teaching material and assigning staff on secondment to schools worldwide. The teachers and managers of these schools are members of the community themselves. In some schools, there might be teachers who are sent by the communities’ countries of origins for a specific period (e.g. 5 years) to serve in the supplementary schools. The operation of supplementary schools is linked to the language policies and practices in the home countries (Matras and Karatsareas 2020). There are positive outcomes of attending these schools, such as achieving good results in A Level examinations in the UK, something evident within the Greek community (Karadjia-Stavlioti 1997).

There are several Greek bilingual education establishments in the U.K with the aim of maintaining the Greek identity. Most specifically, Greek communities run their own part time supplementary schools in churches and community centres or in classrooms rented out from mainstream schools during the weekend or in the afternoon. Classes usually take place on Saturday or Sunday mornings and/or weekday evenings (Matras and Karatsareas 2020; Pantazi 2008). The schools are run by the Greek Embassy in London, the Unified Forum for the Greek Education in the United Kingdom, the Greek Independent Schools of London, Private Greek schools (Nostos n.d.) and Cyprus Educational Mission, a London-based unit of the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Cyprus (Matras and Karatsareas 2020; Pantazi 2008). These authorities act as a link between the home country and diaspora. There are also mainstream schools, namely the Greek Nursery, Primary School and High School of London, where pupils are taught via the Greek medium, based on the Greek curriculum with daily classes in the English language. There are also two independent Greek-English Orthodox bilingual schools, one primary and one high school in North London (Hellenic Education Office 2016). The total number of these establishments is 108 (Nostos n.d.). Based on a 1997 report, 10,230 children of Greek heritage were attending 70 supplementary schools. Most of these schools were in north London, where the majority of the Greek community is concentrated (Karadjia-Stavlioti 1997). However, information is spread across various outdated websites, with no dates and no central information point for Greek-speaking UK residents.

Since 2013/2014 there has been an increase in enrolments due to this post-2010 wave of Greek migrants. There were 5300 enrolments in 2012/2013 and 6071 in 2018/2019 (Republic of Cyprus, Ministry of Education and Culture as cited in Karatsareas 2021a). Based on the Cyprus Education Mission (2020), during 2019/2020, 64 Greek supplementary schools operated in the UK 5972 students attended Greek supplementary schools in a total of 25 schools in London and 39 schools in other parts of the UK (CEM 2020; as cited in Voskou 2021).

1.3. Previous studies

In other bilingual education settings, such as Immersion education classrooms, there has been a strand of literature exploring the effect of the educational context on language skills (e.g. Bialystok and Barac 2012; Goriot et al. 2018; Rhys and Thomas 2013; Simonis et al. 2020), whereas no research to our knowledge has quantitatively explored the effects of exposure to a supplementary education context on both language skills of bilingual children.

Bialystok (2008) mentions the importance of the context where bilingualism or L2 acquisition occurs, such as the educational context; however, studies often neglect this factor. Children attend different types of educational programs throughout their everyday lives and acquire information in different acquisition contexts. Due to immigration, many children for whom English is not their first language attend state schools in the UK. In addition to state schools, they might attend heritage language programs or supplementary schools after mainstream school, usually twice a week, to maintain their home language and culture (see Paraskevopoulos 2012). However, the supplementary school educational setting that bilinguals attend and its relation to language skills, such as vocabulary and grammar, is an aspect that has not been researched thoroughly to the best of our knowledge.

A small number of quantitative studies have investigated the role of the educational setting in bilingual language development. Bialystok (2010) investigated English receptive vocabulary and observed that bilingual children in English medium schools with a non-English language at home were comparable to monolingual counterparts in their responses regarding words associated with schooling while comprehension of words primarily associated with home was better in monolinguals. However, research rarely controls for which language is used in school, even though vocabulary size is a predictor of children’s performance on tests of academic achievement such as spelling, reading and arithmetic (Smith, Smith, and Dobbs 1991).

A few studies to date have compared bilinguals who are instructed in different languages to assess the effects on language (e.g. Barac and Bialystok 2012). More specifically, Barac and Bialystok (2012) investigated the role of cultural background, language similarity and language of education on the language and cognitive effects of bilingualism. They compared 78 bilingual, six-year-old children, whose two languages were English plus Chinese, French, or Spanish, to a group of 26 English monolingual children. Their findings suggest that cognitive benefits of bilingualism are not affected by the language of schooling, cultural backgrounds and language similarity. In contrast, the scores in the grammar, vocabulary and metalinguistic awareness tasks were affected by language similarity and language of schooling. The groups did not differ in the amount of language exposure and production in the home. All children lived in an English-speaking community; however, the Spanish and Chinese bilingual groups were educated in English and the French bilingual group in French. The Spanish bilingual group outperformed the French bilingual group on all three tasks and the Chinese bilingual group on the vocabulary and metalinguistics awareness task. Only the Spanish-English bilingual children performed comparably to English monolinguals in the English receptive vocabulary and grammar task while the performance of all other bilingual groups was lower than the monolingual group, indicating that both language similarity and language of schooling play a role in linguistic tasks.

The amount and nature of language exposure have been shown to play a crucial role in the development of language skills (e.g. De Houwer 2009; Gathercole and Thomas 2009; Hoff et al. 2012). Children acquiring two languages, who have less exposure to each of the two languages, compared to monolingual control groups, have often been shown to acquire each language at a slower rate (e.g. Hoff et al. 2012). However, language dominance might shift towards the majority language after the children enter school and vocabulary and grammar skills might be affected in different ways. Thordardottir (2011) investigated vocabulary acquisition and its relation to the amount of bilingual exposure in five-year-old simultaneous French-English bilingual children in Canada, finding a strong relationship. Duursma et al. (2007) found similar results in Year 5 children’s minority language, Spanish, in the USA. In order to support Spanish vocabulary skills, both Spanish support in the home as well as in the classroom was necessary (Duursma et al. 2007). Similarly, Chondrogianni and Marinis (2011) found that L2 receptive vocabulary and complex syntax skills of 6-to-9-year-old sequential Turkish-English bilingual children attending mainstream schools in the UK were predicted by use of English in the home and maternal English proficiency. Length of exposure to the L2 and maternal English proficiency predicted general grammatical abilities.

During the last few years, there have been qualitative studies including various Arabic, Chinese, Bengali, Bulgarian, Urdu, Polish, Ukrainian, Greek supplementary schools or establishments in the UK and around the world, focusing on classroom practices such as translanguaging, (e.g. Creese and Blackledge 2010; Faltzi 2011; García and Wei 2014; Hua, Wei, and Jankowicz-Pytel 2020; Liu and Fang 2020), on teacher, parent and pupil identities and perspectives towards supplementary education (e.g. Androulakis et al. 2018; Archer, Francis, and Mau 2009; Creese et al. 2006; Gkaintartzi, Chatzidaki, and Tsokalidou 2014; Karatsareas 2018; Kirsch 2019; Liao and Larke 2008; Panagiotopoulou, Rosen, and García 2016; Sook Lee and Oxelson 2006; Strand 2007), on language provisions and pedagogy (e.g. Alexandrova-Kirova 2017; Cummins 2006; Gaiser and Hughes 2015; Pantazi 2006, 2008; Reed et al. 2020; Walters 2011) and on social change and history pedagogy (Voskou 2018, 2019, 2021). However, no quantitative study to date has investigated the effect of amount of exposure to a supplementary school setting on language skills.

Regarding the Greek heritage school situation, and after this mass movement from mainland Greece to the UK, there has been only one study assessing how language use might affect receptive and expressive vocabulary and grammar skills in Greek-English bilingual pupils in the London, Reading and Oxford area (Papastefanou, Powell, and Marinis 2019). However, this study does not test if length of exposure to the Greek supplementary school setting has a relationship to the performance in these language tasks. More specifically, Papastefanou, Powell, and Marinis (2019) tested 40 Greek-English bilingual children in Year 1 and Year 3 on vocabulary, phonological awareness, morphological awareness, morphosyntax, and decoding in both languages. The results showed that as a group, the children were Greek dominant before the age of 4 but English dominant now and confirm that language dominance could change even before children enter school and affect language and literacy skills equally. Language use and test scores were strongly correlated in the heritage language, Greek, which highlights the importance of parental language use in the heritage language. The Greek language had no negative effect on children’s language and reading performance in English.

1.4. The present study

In this study, we will be addressing the role of supplementary educational setting on the Greek and English language skills of Greek-English bilingual children. To the best of our knowledge, no other study has explored this. We aim to investigate Greek and English receptive and expressive vocabulary skills as well as the receptive grammar skills of Greek-English bilingual children living in England and attending both English mainstream and Greek supplementary schools in the North of England, which has not been previously studied. Studying this population is of increasing importance, since there is a rise in first-generation Greek nationals and their children who have moved to the UK with their parents due to the 2010 government-debt crisis (also see Karatsareas 2020). We aim to examine the relationship between variables linked to bilingualism, such as general lifetime language use, and vocabulary and grammar skills both in the majority (English) and heritage language (Greek). To address these aims we administered a battery of tests in both languages and closely looked at the participants’ language backgrounds.

The research questions were:

  1. What variables predict performance in Greek and English language tasks?

  2. Does the length of attending a supplementary school affect the performance in language tasks in the majority (English) and heritage (Greek) language?

4. Discussion

The overall aim of this study was to explore language in a group of Greek-English bilingual children attending a supplementary school in England together with English mainstream school. More specifically, we aimed to explore what variables predict performance in Greek and English language tasks and if the length of attending a supplementary school affects the performance in language tasks in the majority (English) and heritage (Greek) language. In order to pursue this, we assessed the children’s receptive and expressive vocabulary as well as their receptive grammar in both languages, in order to investigate which variables such as years in supplementary school, general language use throughout the lifetime, SES, the total number of languages spoken by the parents and parental report of proficiency affect these scores. This is the only study to date that investigates this relationship between exposure to a supplementary school setting and scores in both languages.

Our first aim was to investigate the variables that can predict these vocabulary and grammar scores. We performed a multiple regression analysis for each task. Language use significantly affected the scores in all Greek language tasks, namely the higher the use of Greek, the higher the scores in the Greek vocabulary and grammar tasks. This is in line with Papastefanou, Powell, and Marinis (2019) who found that Greek expressive vocabulary was related to the Greek language used in and out of the home. Papastefanou, Powell, and Marinis (2019), who tested 40 Greek-English bilingual children in Year 1 and Year 3, found that language use and expressive vocabulary test scores were strongly correlated in the heritage language, Greek, which highlights the importance of parental language use in the heritage language.

On the other hand, language use did not significantly predict scores in the English vocabulary and grammar tasks. Age was a significant predictor in the model, which was expected since these are standardised tasks and children perform better as they grow older. Similarly, Duursma et al. (2007) found parental use of English in the home was not a predictor for English language proficiency of 96 Year 5 Latino English language learners.

The fact that higher scores in Greek language tasks were dependent on the use of Greek highlights that parents wishing to maintain Greek should use Greek in and out of the home. Importantly, the fact that English scores were not affected by Greek language use may help allay fears that heritage language could affect the development of mainstream language negatively. This is in line with studies failing to find evidence that maintaining a home language endangers the acquisition of the majority language (Poarch and Bialystok 2017).

Our second aim was to investigate if the length of attending a supplementary school affects the performance in language tasks in the majority (English) and heritage (Greek) language. We found no significant negative relationship between attending a supplementary school and the development of English vocabulary and grammar skills. One might expect that years in supplementary school would be a positive predictor for the scores in Greek vocabulary and grammar tasks, however, this was not found. One interpretation could be that the tests used are designed for monolingual Greek speakers and not bilingual ones and may not accurately reflect the proficiency of the bilingual children in each language. Secondly, it might be an issue of the amount of input. Children attended supplementary school 2.5–3.5 h per week where they were taught via the Greek medium. This possibly is sufficient to maintain these skills but not develop them.

5. Implications, future directions and limitations

Since some Greek-English pupils in the UK sit GCSEs or A Levels in the Greek and English language, this study has further implications in regard to academic achievement. During the last few years, this rise in first-generation Greek nationals and their children who have moved to the UK with their parents due to the 2010 government-debt crisis (also see Karatsareas 2020) has changed the Greek population attending these supplementary schools, calling for future changes in the curriculum followed in these schools. More research is needed into the amount and nature of educational input needed to develop children’s academic skills.

Further support and encouragement could be provided to parents in using the heritage language with their children based on the fact that no significant negative relationship was found between attending a Greek supplementary school or using more Greek (heritage language) in the home, and the development of English vocabulary and grammar skills.

We used non-standardised tasks to assess Greek receptive vocabulary and grammar skills in the children as well as English tests which are not standardised for bilingual children. As a result, tests in Greek and English were not comparable. Future development of tests is needed in Greek and English which should also include bi-mutilingual children (Babatsouli 2019; Marinis, Armon-Lotem, and Pontikas 2017). Also, standardised Greek tests assessing language skills are lacking or are outdated, and a large study would allow test standardisation and the establishment of quantitative norms.

The finding that years in supplementary school was not a predictor for the scores in Greek vocabulary and grammar tasks could be further investigated by comparing scores from Greek-English bilingual children who attend Greek supplementary schools with Greek-English bilingual children who attend a Greek-English bilingual school and with those who do not. This was not possible in this study but is an important future direction to further understand this result.

Finally, the relatively small sample size of this study is one of its limitations. Nevertheless, this is the only study to date that investigates this relationship between exposure to a supplementary school setting and scores in both languages.

Our findings, together with previous research on heritage/Greek language education abroad on this emergence of a new emigration wave (e.g. Aravossitas and Sugiman 2019; Baros, Sailer, and Moutsisis 2019; Karatsareas 2021a, 2021b; Voskou 2021), highlight the need for further investigation of this understudied and constantly changing Greek-speaking population. This significant rise in the emigration of couples and families from Greece after the 2010 crisis (Pratsinakis 2019) underlines how important it is to explore what the opportunities and challenges are that ‘new’ Greek migrants create to Greek language education abroad. This cannot be done without identifying the language skills of these children and how they develop. Due to this increase of Greek migration not only to the UK but around the world, as Lytra (2019, 238) stresses, ‘Greek schools, their leaders and teachers are called upon to adapt and change in response to the increased heterogeneity and complexity of children and their families’ multilingual repertoires, educational experiences, expectations and aspirations.’. Cushing, Georgiou, and Karatsareas (2021) and Pantazi (2010) call for modified teaching approaches and practices, acknowledging student needs and identities, and closer links between community and mainstream educational settings.

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